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Attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) through Administrative Reform? The Development of E-government in China

By Lianjie Ma, Jongpil Chung, and Stuart Thorson
Information and Computing Technology Group
The Maxwell School
Syracuse University
Syracuse, New York, USA
Fax: 315.443.4742
Voice: 315.443.1395
Email: thorson@syr.edu

We thank Maxwell's Executive Education Program and Information and Computing Technology Group for their support of this research.

Lianjie Ma was a 2002-2003 Fulbright Visiting Scholar at Maxwell School of Syracuse University. He is working as an Associate Professor at School of Public Administration of Huazhong University of Science & Technology in China.
Address: School of Public Administration, Huazhong University of Science & Technology. 430074. Wuhan, Hubei province, P.R. China. E-mail: lianjie_ma@hustmpa.com

Jongpil Chung is a Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Political Science of Syracuse University.
Address: 100 Eggers Hall, Syracuse University, New York 13244-1020.
E-Mail: jchung07@maxwell.syr.edu.

Stuart J. Thorson is a Professor of International Relations and Political Science and Director of Information Technology at Syracuse University.
Address: 542A Eggers Hall, Syracuse University, New York 13244-1020. E-Mail: thorson@syr.edu.

INDEX:

Abstract
.01 E-Government in the PRC
.02 Determinants of FDI in China
.03 E-government and Administrative Reform in China
.04 E-government and FDI in China
.05 Obstacles Behind the Chinese E-government
.06 Conclusion
Notes
References

Abstract (return to index)

This paper provides an examination of e-government developments in China as they relate to China’s objective of attracting increased foreign direct investment (FDI). Over recent years, China has made steady and significant commitments to building out a technical infrastructure supportive of e-government (See Table I). More recently, Chinese leaders have explicitly argued that e-government would be used as a key policy instrument for attracting FDI through facilitating administrative reform and have begun to develop e-government sites supportive of this objective. The paper concludes with descriptive and analytic discussions of several such PRC e-government projects.

.01 E-Government in the PRC (return to index)

During the past decade, Chinese leaders come to regard the Internet as a powerful engine to push forward economic development in China. Therefore, since 1993, the Chinese government made great efforts in promoting the information infrastructure. One of these efforts was the “Golden Projects.” The Chinese central government and the former Ministry of Electronics Industry (now part of the Ministry of Information Industry, MII) launched the “Golden Projects” in 1993 as a series of separate information infrastructure initiatives aimed at building administrative capability to promote economic development (Lovelock and Ure, 2003). Although the “Golden Projects” were conceived of as merely initiative measures for national economy informatization, the projects nevertheless provided the foundation for the infrastructure of China’s informatization and the online information system employed by banks and customs.

Based on this information infrastructure, China has, since 1999, been conducting their “Government Online Project (GOP, Zhengfu shangwang gongcheng)” which aims to promote the applications of Internet-based technology at all levels of government. It was launched by China Telecom and the Economic Information Center of the State Economic and Trade Commission (SETC) along with more than 40 central government departments such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People’s Bank of China, the ministries of Education, Science and Technology, Construction, Information Industry, Agriculture, Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation, and a number of central administrations (Tan, 2003).The GOP has three key goals: (1) to post government information online; (2) to make government documents, archives, and databases available online; and, (3) to implement online administration, using electronic databases and online document to increase administrative efficiency (People’s Daily, July 13, 1999). The development of GOP aims to supply accessible administrative systems, which enable the public and various enterprises to gain access to and further share information available on the Internet.

The leaders in China see the GOP as the basis of accelerating the government’s pace of implementing and using information and communication technologies (ICTs) to improve administrative efficiency and promoting the country’s economic development. One of the main goals of pursuing e-government in China is to promote the economic development through administrative reform by supporting a more competent, competitive, and efficient government. The importance of e-government and administrative reform in China is reflected in Zhu Rongji’s speech. On February 27, 2002, in a lecture to the National Leading Group for Sciences and Technology, Zhu Rongji said:

“pushing forward the building of e-government administration is of vital significance to enhancing the quality of the national economy as a whole, elevating the modern management level, tightening government supervision and control, raising administrative efficiency, launching the anti-corruption campaign, and building a clean and honest government” (People’s Daily, February 27, 2002).

Despite concern about the possible destabilizing threat that ICTs pose to centralized political control, information technology is being viewed as an essential tool for spurring simultaneously economic development and administrative control. According to Junhua Zhang, “e-government will not only enable the leaders to monitor the public service but also enhance the information exchange between public servants, so that administrative coordination will become easier and citizens (and foreign and domestic entrepreneurs) can benefit from the reduction of unnecessary procedures” (Zhang, 2002: 8). In the following sections, we will discuss the determinants of FDI in China and how does e-government help the Chinese government to attract more investment through administrative reform.

.02 Determinants of FDI in China (return to index)

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a major role in pushing China toward a more market-oriented economy. In 1983 when China was still in its beginning stage of reform and opening-up, China's practical use of FDI was recorded at USD 636m. In 2002, this increased to USD 52.743b, an expansion of 82 times more in comparison to the number recorded in 1983 (People’s Daily, December 13, 2003). As a result, in 2003, China received more foreign direct investment (FDI) and even managed to outstrip that of the US. Given so short a history of foreign participation in the country’s economy, the huge FDI inflows to China during the reform era are all the more extraordinary. Within the scholarly literature, there has been some considerable discussion about the determinants of FDI in the China.

Debates of Institutions on FDI

According to Xiaolun Sun, there are several determinants of FDI inflows in general: market demand; growth rate; political stability; macroeconomic stability; infrastructure; and regulatory environment (Sun, 2002; Wang, 2002). Therefore, Sun argues, governments need to provide: (1) basic political and macroeconomic stability that offers reasonable predictability so that investors can make rational business decisions; (2) a rule based legal and regulatory environment that facilitates doing business rather than harassing it; and (3) an adequate physical and social infrastructure that assist the smooth functioning of the market and sharing of information (Sun, 2002: 18). Although most Chinese scholars agree with Sun’s first and third category, there were debates on the necessity of “the rule of law” in attracting FDI in China.

Hongying Wang, in her book Weak State, Strong Networks, argues that the formal rules and institutions were not the main determinants that drive FDI inflows into China (Wang, 2002). It was the informal personal networks in Chinese society which facilitated the FDI developments in two ways. In some cases, they reduce investment risk by providing a substitute for law in business negotiations, operations, contract enforcement and dispute settlement. In other cases, they compensate for the risks of investing in China by enabling companies to circumvent law in pursuit of highly profitable ventures (Wang, 2002: 14-15). In other words, the weakness of state institutions is compensated for by the strength of informal social networks, guanxi. Though operating on the basis of informal networks often entails high transactions costs and inefficiency, Wang argues that China’s informal institutional framework is unlikely to give way soon to the Western rule-base economy.

Contrary to Wang’s informal institutional approach, scholars like Jun Fu argue “the gradual yet steady improvements in China’s FDI regulatory framework have had a positive and systematic effect on FDI in China over the reform years” (Fu, 2000: 233). In his book, Institutions and Investments, Fu emphasizes China have largely followed the institutional logic of economic development despite of its unique culture. Fu argues that formal institutions of the FDI regulatory regime in China have improved over time and that this implies that property rights are now better protected; that information is now more readily available; and that business is now more predictable. Thus, he argues, there is reduced need for investors to rely on informal institutional means such as kinship ties for a reduction of information and transaction costs (Fu, 2000: 231-33). However, this does not mean that China is a perfect “rule-based market-oriented system.” According to Fu, although China has struggled to reform its command economy into a rule-based economy system, there still remain further problems that require stronger legal systems and key economic institutions in order to solidify a regulatory framework for a market economy. Formerly, FDI was introduced to China because of its potentially huge market. However, that promise has not been matched with results. As a result, very few foreign investors have made immense profits in China, which suggest that future FDI influx will depend on more transparent and stable policies and procedures.

.03 E-government and Administrative Reform in China (return to index)

While China made significant efforts to promote economic development, an inefficient administrative system and often weak government performance remained as barriers to success. After the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) endorsed a market economy in 1992, the need for administrative reform to transform institutions, which was established for a centrally planned economy, became all the more urgent. The common problem that foreign investors or domestic business owners come across in dealing with government is the over-centralized and inefficient administrative system. According to Xinjiao Tan,

“The main reason that public sectors lack efficiency is because of the hierarchical organizational structure. Many of the services provided by them require complicated communication and coordination between the workers in these departments, but the hierarchical structure is not suitable for such communication and coordination….This kind of hierarchical system has the following characteristics: it has a closed system which tries to minimize outside influences; functional departments are comparatively isolated and independent; coordination is realized through the hierarchical structure;… and, decision-making is concentrated on the highest-ranking officials” (Tan, 2003: 279).

The application of e-government in China was intended to improve administrative efficiency and effectiveness and, through this administrative reform, to promote economic development and attract FDI. The linkage between e-government and administrative reform was clarified in the sixteenth party report by President Jiang Zemin. He said:

“We should further change the functions of the government, improve the methods of management, introduce e-government, uplift administrative efficiency and reduce costs so as to form an administrative system featuring standardized behaviors, coordinated operation, fairness and transparency, honesty and high efficiency. We should standardize the functions and powers of the Central Government and local authorities according to law and properly handle relations between the departments directly under the Central Government and the local governments” (People’s Daily, November 8, 2002).

China has been initiating administrative reforms in order to readjust government functions and roles to support a more market-based economy. Chinese leaders view ICTs applications around the world as an opportunity to further administrative reform. E-government is providing an efficient means for the governments to transform their roles and to exercise their service functions. Therefore e-government in China is paying more attention on the following objectives:

Transforming and Reengineering Government Functions and Processes

The transformation of government functions aims to redefine the role and tasks of the government at all levels as well as to clarify which functions should be completed by the government administration and which functions should be outside the scope of government (Zhang, 2001, 2002). After transforming to a new system, the government should not interfere with those affairs that society can deal with by itself. In sum, the government should transform from a “managing-oriented government” (Guanzhi xing zhengfu) to a “services-oriented government” (Fuwu xing zhengfu).

Reengineering government processes requires further streamlining institutions, and simplifying examination and approval system (Xingzheng shenpi zhidu). The examination and approval system is the main administrative process through which local governments and state-enterprises must obtain approval before making any decisions. This system requires local governments to visit different departments in the central government and, at each point, wait for an answer. China expects the e-government project to reduce costs and to rationalize functions and responsibilities between the central and local governments.

Enhancing Administrative Transparency

Improving transparency is a useful element to attract foreign investment. In China the government plans to put information about administrative process online to improve services for foreign investors. By applying the e-government project, the former Chinese leaders, such as Zhu Rongji, believe that e-government could help the Chinese government to establish a more transparent system and to build a clean and honest government (People’s Daily, February 27, 2002). According to scholars, such as Shanti Kalathil and Taylor Boas, e-government could address the widespread problem of corruption and reduce kickbacks in awarding government contracts by increasing transparency in China (Kalathil and Boas, 2001). In response to concerns about corruption, e-government applications may serve to provide more balanced administrative services and even curtail the need for personal connections. Many cities have made efforts to establish a comprehensive high-speed broadband network to create a more favorable investment environment for foreign corporations.

.04 E-Government and FDI in China (return to index)

Since the GOP was launched in 1999, local governments have become especially active in pushing forward e-government. According to Tan, “the main motivation behind local governments’ enthusiasm is to promote a better government image and to improve government efficiency, transparency and accountability in order to attract more foreign investment” (Tan, 2003, 292). Local e-government applications are now being developed. Throughout China, these are directed toward improving government performance and increasing transparency in order to be more attractive to foreign investors. Although the current stage is just the beginning of the GOP, more and more government and city web pages show the positive results of government informatization. In this paper we select Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and Guangzhou as examples to illustrate how e-government facilitated administrative reform and attracted more foreign investment.

Beijing

Beijing launched the “Capital Window (Shoudu zhichuang)” project and began its “Digital Beijing (Shuzi Beijing)” initiative to conduct administrative reform in the year 2000. Haidian Digital Park is the first online office system that provides interactive electronic transactions for business in the Zhongguancun Science Park (ZSP). Haidian Digital Park applies the latest computer and Internet technologies to improve the efficiency and responsiveness of government. Since the online office system effected in 2000, more than 7,000 businesses have been able to apply for licenses, file monthly financial reports, submit tax statements and conduct 32 other government-to-business and government-to-citizen functions online (Wang, 2002). The system has greatly increased government transparency and efficiency, and seemingly reduced opportunities for corruption.

After Haidian Digital Park applied sophisticated computer and Internet technology to build a common administrative platform, the “one-stop service (Yi zhan shi fuwu)”connects all government departments. The central database and Web site allow data sharing and workflow integration among all the departments. The “one-form service (Yi biao shi fuwu)” combines the required forms from different departments into only one form by which enterprises can finish transactions such as financial auctions, statistical reports, national and local tax declarations, etc.When the foreign investors would like to invest in the Haidian Park of ZSP, they no longer have to go to China and visit the office of administration of Haidian Park. Since the “one-stop service” offers online applications and approval issues, what they need to do is log on the Web and then fills out the relevant sections. Thosealready invested in Haidian Park can get online services through the “one-form service”. At the end of 2001, Haidian Digital Park declared that paper documents and applications were no longer welcome in the park. Enterprises must submit the report in electronic documents. All transactions should be done through the Internet. As of 2002, 6139 enterprises in the park joined the online office system and 95,000 people visited the Web site of Haidian Park (Wu, Lu and Li, 2002).

Tianjin

Another example is Tianjin Development Zone in Tianjin city. Like ZSP in Beijing, the city government of Tianjin tried to improve the investment environment by building a Digital Development Zone (DDZ, Shuzi kaifa qu).” In order to offer the related information for the investors, the city government built a shared information platform, “online data center,” which combines the information related to registration, logistics, financial aids, and human resources capacity. Through this “online data center,” foreign investors can obtain statistical reports, government polices and regulations, and application forms. In addition to that the DDZ administration developed a “calling center” that consists of two important parts: one part provides all kinds of services at the front office and the other offers technical support at the back office. [1] This calling center can answer questions in a timely manner. According to Wang, the DDZ in Tianjin has attracted 3679 foreign enterprises from 73 countries, many of them are the top 100 multinational corporations including Motorola, Coca-cola, Kodak, Pepsi, Toyota, Volks Wagon, Honda, Samsung, etc (Wang, 2002). 

Shanghai

“China Shanghai” [2] is the main portal, which connects all departments of city government and offers online services. Until recently more than 200 thousands people visit the website per day. The foreign investors now can get diverse services. For example, the foreign enterprises can register applications, apply for permissions of doing international trade, and get consulting services to employ a new employee online. Another example is the “online annual examination” that provides efficient services for investors in Shanghai. For example, foreign enterprises are able to submit an application for a new business and get it approved by the city government through Internet. But in the past they went to the bureau of business administration three times at least. Currently, they only need to visit the bureau one time (Tang, 2003). In 2003, the Shanghai Bureau of Business Administration created a special service for FDI, which is “online transaction, only one time (Wangshang jiaoyi, yici chenggong)”. Through this service, foreign enterprises can get the registration and approval in one day, which took more than 10 days before. The times of visiting to each Bureau reduced to one from three times (see http://www.1st-eg.org/bank/wz/index.asp). E-government applications in Shanghai not only offer efficient services for foreign enterprises directly; these applications also reform the traditional system such as examination and approval system, personnel affairs, financial and taxation management and so on. These reforms improve the quality of the government services. (Resource from online: http://www.1st-eg.org/bank/wz/index.asp)    

Guangzhou

Guangdong province is the leading province for economic development and informatization in China. From 1996, Guangzhou city started to construct e-government, which aimed to improve the investment environment. In 1998, Guangzhou selected three districts to build “one-stop services,” and, in 2000, these three districts started to provide online services for foreign investors. All of the governments in different counties and cities of Guangzhou have set up the special organization that are in charge of the affairs related to “one stop service”and 50% of the city departments also set up the special organization such as information promotion office, information center, etc. There are over 300 databases connected to city planning, business administration, customs, taxation, finance, human resources and employment (http://www.gz-gov.org/index.htm). In order to improve the service quality, Guangzhou city government invested 365 million yuan on social security information system and 18 million yuan on public security information system (Yang, 2002). The most important role of e-government in Guangzhou is enhancing transparency of government affairs. The online examination let the enterprises and citizens learn the transaction process clearly. For example, most of the government departments of Tianhe district in Guangzhou built inter-department communication system and department-enterprises communication system (The Information Center of Tianhe District, 2002).These systems share basic databases and work together online. Enterprises can get the feed back from the related department through the Internet.

.05 Obstacles behind the Chinese E-government (return to index)

As we have seen in previous sections, the top Chinese leaders have been making great efforts to conduct e-government projects, and through this process, several cities already attracted more FDI through administrative reform. But there is still one main obstacle in implementing e-government in China. That is the lack of coordination among different departments in the central government and between central government and local governments. The coordination problems result from three key factors: first, the civil servants in China do not fully accept the idea of transparency, which is important in e-government application. Both the central and local government are passing over the responsibility to each other on providing all information online, and, particularly, make known government laws, rules, and regulations online. The central government wants local governments to post more information online, but many local leaders are afraid of putting government decision-making and government approval process under the scrutiny of the public. Second, there is a huge digital divide in China. The eastern and the coastal areas in China have developed the information infrastructures much better than other areas. The citizens and the civil servants have very different educational backgrounds, economical status, knowledge and skills on information technology. Especially, government officials need to learn how to understand and use the computer and the Internet. It is estimated by the National School of Public Administration that roughly 20% of civil servant don’t know how to use the computer (Zhang, 2003). Third, there are no master plans and unified technical standards for e-government application. In China the information office of the State Council is in charge of the overall e-government projects, the Commission of State Development and Reform is in charge of e-government investment plans, the Ministry of Finance offers the financial support, and the Ministry of Science and Technology is in charge of the plans for technology. As we can see, there are more than 40 ministries and commissions of central government that are involved in constructing and managing e-government in China. Their views of e-government are widely diverse and there are very few interactions among different departments of central government and between the central and local governments.

Most central and local governments also come across the problems of lacking sufficient funding and enough qualified technicians to manage their websites. According to Junhua Zhang, “many local governments do not have adequate financial resources to acquire well-trained computer and network specialists to create and maintain quality portals” (Zhang, 2002: 8). The security measures of e-government portals fall short of even the lowest minimum standards because of the same reasons.  If the leaders of China do not put these problems in serious consideration, it would take longer time than they expect to reach a full development of e-government in China.

.06 Conclusion (return to index)

E-Government in China reflects government recognition of the potential of Internet and Web-based activities to assist the development of the economy and society. We have argued that China’s government has embraced the economic potential of the Internet to drive economic growth and, at the same time, ensure political legitimacy. Through promoting Internet use within the government, China’s e-government initiatives seek to increase transparency and “a rule-based legal and regulatory environment” to attract more and more foreign direct investment. As Wang Zhongfu, Director-General of the State Administration of Industry and Commerce noted, the use of new information technologies can improve the uniformity of administrative services and curb the influence of personal connections in the issuing of business licenses (Yang, 2001). Although there is considerable work yet to be done, it does seem clear that the introduction of e-government is intended to attract more foreign investment and thereby to further the overall development of China’s economy.

Table I: ICT Development in China

1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2003
ICT Expendiure (% of GDP)
2.90E+00
3.10E+00
3.10E+00
4.20E+02
4.80E+00
5.40E+00
ICT Expenditure per capita (US$)
1.66E+01
2.02E+01
2.23E+01
3.14E+01
3.82E+01
4.60E+01
ICT Expenditures (US$)
2.04E+10
2.52E+10
2.79E+10
3.94E+10
4.79E+10
5.79E+10
Internet Users
6.00E+04
1.60R+05
4.00E+05
2.10E+06
8.90E+06
2.25E+07
4.58W+07
5.91E+07
Private Investment in Teleoms (US$)
5.97E+09
Domain Names
Total
4.1
18.39
48.7
122.1
126.156
179.54
(Thousands)
GOV
0.323
0.561
0.982
2.479
4.615
5.864
ORG
0.099
0.229
0.409
0.94
2.596
2.943
COM
2.131
6.559
13.913
38.776
96.221
99.123
International Bandwidth
(MB)
25.48
143
351
2799
7598
9380
Length of Opitcal Fiber (10,000 km)
16
11
46
61
63
Number of Websites Total
1500
5300
15153
265405
293213
371600
Beijing
62158
66268
75066
Shanghai
28173
33945
39667
Tianjin
3947
3630
4843
Chongqing
2312
2340
3206
Hebei
5337
6052
8037
Shanxi
2608
1520
1959
Neimenggu
971
1343
2014
Liaoning
6420
11149
12567
Jilin
1686
1979
5682
Heilongjiang
2773
3207
3769
Jiangsu
17790
18298
29202
Zhejiang
25627
27917
31216
Anhui
2807
3670
4568
Fujian
15878
12638
13690
Jaingxi
1499
1525
1971
Sangdong
12215
13036
16740
Henan
5062
5069
6216
Hubei
6566
5811
8567
Hunan
2732
2833
5697
Guangdong
37783
54250
70192
Guangxi
2152
2450
3082
Hainan
2872
1250
1399
Sichuan
5647
6425
11557
Guizhou
763
833
1093
Yunnan
3174
2149
2959
Xizang
59
651
947
Shaanxi
2949
2886
3132
Gansu
1043
1091
1333
Qinghai
133
348
316
Ningxia
562
708
691
Xinjiang
1707
1942
1711

Sources: World Development Indicator 2002 (ICT Expenditures, Internet Users, Private Investment in Telecoms), China Internet Network Information Center (CNNIC) (Domain Names, Number of Websites, International Bandwidth), and Zhongguo Tongji Nianjian 2002 (China Statistical Yearbook 2002) (Length of Optical Fiber).

Table II: Geographical Distribution of FDI in China (1992-2001)

Actual Amount (US $ 10,000)

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001
Beijing 34985 66694 137157 107999 155290 159286 216800 197525 197525 176818
Tianjin 10778 61386 101499 152093 215273 251135 211361 176399 116601 213348
Hebei 11309 396654 52340 54668 83022 110308 142868 104202 67923 66989
Shanxi 5384 8643 3170 6383 13808 26893 24451 390129 22474 23393
Neimenggu 520 8526 4007 5781 7186 7325 9082 6456 10568 10703
Liaoning 51642 127913 144014 142461 173782 236635 240624 106173 204446 251612
Jilin 7534 27527 24192 40802 45155 40227 40917 30120 33701 33766
Heilongjiang 7217 23232 64759 51686 56693 73485 52639 31828 30086 34114
Shanghai 49361 316025 247309 289261 394094 422536 366774 283665 346014 429259
Jiangsu 146324 284371 376315 519082 521009 543511 663179 607756 542550 691482
Zhejiang 23978 103175 114441 125806 152050 150345 134012 123262 161266 221162
Anhui 5466 25764 37000 48256 50661 43443 27673 26131 31847 33672
Fujian 142364 287444 371318 404390 419710 408455 419710 402403 343191 391804
Jiangxi 9972 20817 26168 28888 30126 48103 46496 32080 22724 39575
Shandong 100342 187413 255242 268898 263355 277556 273100 246547 297119 352093
Henan 5316 30491 38673 47855 52356 69204 61654 52135 56403 45729
Hubei 20313 54053 60186 62512 68079 84866 103649 98914 94368 118860
Hunan 13271 43746 33114 50773 74530 91702 81816 65374 67833 81011
Guangdong 370777 755576 9946343 1026011 1175407 1263495 1303160 128238 1128091 1193203
Guangxi 18201 88456 83633 67623 66313 88579 88613 63512 52466 38416
Hainan 45255 70710 91089 106207 78908 70554 71715 48449 43080 46691
Zhongqung 41802 43107 24135 24436 25649
Sichuan 11214 57141 92174 54159 44090 24846 37248 34101 43694 58188
Guizhou 1979 4294 6363 5703 3138 4977 4535 4090 2501 2829
Yunnan 2875 9702 6500 9769 6537 16566 14568 15385 12812 6457
Xizang
Shaanxi 4553 23430 23880 32407 32609 62816 30010 24197 28842 35174
Gansu 35 1195 8776 6392 9002 4144 3864 4104 6235 7439
Qinghai 68 324 241 164 100 247 459 3649
Ningxia 35 1190 727 390 555 671 1856 5134 1741 1680
Xinjiang 5300 4830 5490 6390 2472 2167 2404 1911 2035
Total 100402 3091174 3326180 3721549 4187971 4637439 4719149 4145307 4033289 4636800

Sources: Zhongguo Tongji Nianjian 2000 (China Statistical Yearbook 2000) 1989-1999 and Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation (MOFTEC) 2000-2001

Notes (return to index)

[1] Front office means the WebPages from which foreign investors can learn how to communicate with the city administration; and the back office refers to place where the web designers and the governors work.

[2] http://www.shanghai.gov.cn/gb/shanghai/node2314/index.html

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