Going Abroad: Japanese Travel to Chinese Nagasaki in the Tokugawa Era
Christopher B. Dewell
cdewell@umail.ucsb.edu
graduate student in history
University of California, Santa Barbara
On the tenth day of the fifth month in 1802, Hishiya Heishichi, a Nagoya textile merchant, took advantage of uncommonly sunny weather during his 17-day trip to Nagasaki to view Nagasaki Bay by a combination of pleasureboat and rowing dingy. The experience filled him with such awe that he commented in his travel journal, Tsukushi kik? 
(A Ky?sh? Travel Journal), "The scenery in Nagasaki Harbor was like a Chinese landscape painting, and I felt as if my boat was in the midst of it all." [1]
This depiction of Nagasaki, and this pointed reference to the Chinese cultural presence in the seaside metropolis is noteworthy. Actually, Hishiya Heishichi’s attraction to Chinese Nagasaki is the driving force behind his visit. From the outset of Hishiya’s Tsukushi kik?, he reveals the reverence with which he perceives his destination,
"Nagasaki in Hizen, where foreign ships converge in her harbor, is a very curious place I had heard about from when I was young, but it was a distant province separated by mountains and sea. . . Finally being able to settle my business affairs in Nagoya, I decided to leave on my journey for Nagasaki." [2]
Hishiya Heishichi’s portrayal of Nagasaki is just one of several existing accounts that illustrate the interest in a form of international travel to Chinese Nagasaki in the midst of kaikin restrictions on travel abroad during the Tokugawa period.
Travel accounts and travel guides from the Tokugawa period illustrate the tremendous role Chinese Nagasaki had in firing the popular imagination about a world outside the restrictions imposed on Japanese society by the Tokugawa shogunate. The Japanese worldview was not entirely limited by Tokugawa institutions and laws. Indeed, Nagasaki performed a valuable function in serving as the primary point of transit through which international culture flowed from 1639-1858. [3] The three Japanese travelers examined in this essay were attracted to Nagasaki for a variety of personal reasons, but the common chord that links their individual experiences is irrepressible interest in Chinese Nagasaki. In addition to Hishiya Heishichi, Furukawa Kosh?ken, a visitor from Okada domain and prolific travel writer, and Tachibana Nankei, a medical student in training in Kyoto, all left accounts that paint a particularly revealing portrait of Chinese Nagasaki in the Tokugawa period. Complementing these available travel accounts of Nagasaki, travel guides such as Nagasaki meisho zue 
and Nagasaki miyage 
, which are examined in this study, perpetuated the myth of Nagasaki as the center of things Chinese.
In the Tokugawa traveler’s mind, it was common to use a Chinese cultural frame of reference when describing Nagasaki. As the sole location where Japanese could travel to interact with Chinese, the unrivaled center of international trade in the Tokugawa order, and the major point of continental dissemination in Japan, Nagasaki loomed large. Although its status as the only official international port in Tokugawa Japan accentuated Nagasaki’s cosmopolitan significance, its role as a conduit for Chinese culture was established over several centuries. Using the travel accounts of three Tokugawa sojourners, this paper will examine how Chinese Nagasaki, situated on the geographic and cultural periphery of Tokugawa Japan, performed a vital function for cultural interchange. Studies of cross-cultural interchange in the period suggest the relative importance of Chinese influences compared to other cultural influences, both native and foreign. For examination of Japanese perceptions of China through the lens of Tokugawa-period Nagasaki, a contrast with Japanese perceptions of the Dutch in the same period is a particularly illustrative way of weighing the Chinese impact on Japan.
Sino-Japanese Cultural Interchange
Despite the kaikin restrictions on travel abroad, the irony is that Japanese-Chinese cultural interaction not only continued but flourished. Marius Jansen argues compellingly that Chinese influence on Japan actually reached its apex during the Tokugawa period, [4] although predominant historical depictions of seclusion state otherwise. Cultural interaction between China and Japan existed on multiple levels which permeated virtually every aspect of life in Tokugawa Japan. The philosophical tenets associated with Confucianism were vociferously encouraged by the Tokugawa shogunate even though Japanese were not allowed to travel abroad to the homeland of Confucius. [5] Hundreds of painters and calligraphers, predominantly Chinese merchants who pursued these arts as a pastime rather than a vocation, influenced their Japanese counterparts who emulated the landscape paintings and refined calligraphy of resident Chinese connected to the venerated continent. [6] Chinese monks and scholars resident in Japan imparted new techniques with ceramics and porcelains, martial arts, legal and philosophical approaches that shaped the statecraft of certain domains [7]and the shogunate itself. A voracious appetite for Chinese books among scholar-elites also helped to maintain continental contacts in lieu of travel to mainland Asia. [8] The Buddhist religious foundations that had developed centuries earlier between the two countries evolved over time, and Zen Buddhism (Chinese: Chan) in particular became an important form of intercultural exchange.
In considering the Dutch impact on Tokugawa Japan, it is important to place such an influence in its proper historical context. Grant Goodman has defined the impact of Rangaku (Dutch studies) on Tokugawa society quite aptly.
"The conclusion suggests that to a very great extent Dutch studies in Japan were a superficial phenomenon seriously limited by Neo-Confucian philosophical commitment on the part of educated Japanese, by the prescribed confines imposed by an overweaningly powerful government, by the unsystematic method by which information from the West entered Japan and by the mercantile preoccupation of the Dutch who never saw themselves as cultural intermediaries." [9]
While the Dutch influence is noted by all three travelers in their discussion of Nagasaki, the circumscribed influence Goodman pronounces seems to be evident. By contrast the Chinese influence in Nagasaki seems omnipresent; in some cases dictating the very reason why travelers bothered to visit. It is the cultural affinity between China and Japan, something conspicuously absent from Dutch-Japanese interaction in the period, which all three authors discern as a powerful force in shaping relations. While Nagasaki was a focal point for both Sino-Japanese and Dutch-Japanese interaction, it is the Chinese influence that is most dominant.
Nagasaki was not just the geographic locus of Chinese residents in Tokugawa Japan, but in many Japanese travelers’ minds it was a convincing substitute for China itself. Virtually simultaneous with the Chinese presence in Nagasaki, the Dutch settlement and the subsequent Western influences their presence brought also aided in implanting in popular culture the image of the city as a point of foreign cultural dissemination. Even prior to 1630, due to encroachment by the Portuguese in Nagasaki, and the British in nearby Hirado, Nagasaki already had a pronounced international flavor. Nagasaki thus being recognized as both a Dutch and a Chinese international port in the Japanese popular imagination, solidified its reputation as a cosmopolitan cultural capital. Japanese scholar-elites longed for the great continent and the superior civilization that was synonymous with China, and thus travel to Nagasaki, situated culturally and geographically on the periphery of the Tokugawa state, was, for many Japanese travelers, the closest conceivable equivalent to going abroad. [10] By extension too, readers of travel journals that described Nagasaki could live vicariously through the accounts of Japanese contemporaries fortunate enough to possess the time and economic wherewithal to travel to the shogunate’s exclusively designated international port.
An increase in the sheer number of Chinese in Nagasaki in the Tokugawa period played a major role in transforming the character of the city. ?ba Osamu, a prominent historian of Sino-Japanese relations in the period, has argued that from 1688 the introduction of approximately 10,000 Chinese visitors to the population of Nagasaki, brought via the burgeoning shipping trade, to a city that recorded 50,000 total residents at the time, had a dramatic impact. [11] Although it is important to note that much of this Chinese population likely consisted of temporary visitors brought by T?sen 
(Chinese ships), when this figure is juxtaposed against the Dutch population at Nagasaki during the same era, with roughly 20 people housed on the fan-shaped island of Dejima at any given time [12], the significance of the Chinese international influence on the life of the city can be more fully gauged. Despite this overwhelming proportion in population, historical literature in both the West and Japan has traditionally emphasized the Dutch impact. It is only in the past two to three decades that scholarship has started to address this discrepancy. [13]
Chinese Nagasaki as Cityscape
Tokugawa-period travelers to the city of Nagasaki were bound to encounter visible reminders of the Chinese presence. Rather than just being landmarks or buildings found throughout the city, this Chinese cityscape was observed by travelers, depicted in word and in illustrations, this imagined cityscape took on a life of its own throughout Japan. Even if a Japanese traveler did not get the chance to communicate with the Chinese—an activity which was usually done via hitsudan 
(Chinese: bidan), the lingua franca of East Asia, that involved written exchanges between Chinese and Japanese in Chinese characters—the traveler might hope to catch a glimpse of these prominent symbols of the Chinese presence. Although myriad tourist attractions were designated for their "Chineseness", the Chinese residential compound and four major Chinese temples constructed in the seventeenth century were most frequently hailed as the embodiment of Chinese cultural influence.
The anchor of Chinese cultural life in Nagasaki was the T?jin yashiki 
, a densely-packed Chinese settlement that jutted out into Nagasaki Bay and housed the Chinese merchant community. Constructed in 1689 by the local government, the area was a mere 9,373 tsubo (slightly more than 37,000 square feet), and had an elaborate front gate complete with guards, a mud wall of approximately seven feet in height which encircled the entire complex, and a moat beyond this wall which was roughly six feet deep. [14] In addition to this fairly circumscribed world, Chinese were permitted to leave the compound in order to visit local temples, repair ships, and handle cargo, but only in the presence of a Japanese petty officer. [15] Chinese residents had earlier been given freer mobility, but increasing interest in controlling Chinese smuggling and restricting the spread of Christianity were largely behind the establishment of the Chinese settlement. Aside from the T?jin yashiki, four major Chinese temples in the city (K?fukuji, Fukusaiji, S?fukuji, and Shofukuji), were well-known tourist attractions.
The four major Chinese temples were some of the most conspicuous tourist attractions for the Japanese travelers during the period. The temples in Nagasaki were founded before the T?jin yashiki and were important institutions for preserving Chinese regional identities. All four temples were established within a 55 year-span during the seventeenth century (1623, 1628, 1629, and 1678 for K?fukuji, Fukusaiji, S?fukuji and Shofukuji respectively) [16]. The earliest constructed of the four was K?fukuji 
, which was also known as "Nanjing 
temple." [17] Transplanted Chinese originally from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi provinces all patronized K?fukuji. Fukusaiji 
, was also known as "Quanzhou 
temple" and also "Zhangzhou temple", and as the name conveys, devotees were primarily Chinese who originally hailed from Fujian province ( 
) on China's coast. [18] S?fukuji 
, also known as "Fuzhou temple", a city also located in Fujian, was built shortly after K?fukuji and Fukusaiji. [19] That two of the four temples served as important institutions for Fujianese expatriates is not surprising given that the province had historically produced a greater number of seafaring adventurers and merchants than other Chinese provinces. [20] Shofukuji 
was constructed fifty years after the original three Chinese temples and was patronized primarily by the Cantonese, thus its nickname of "Guangzhou 広州 14 temple." [21] Though born as strongholds of Chinese culture, by the middle of the eighteenth century, most of the temples were run by Japanese Buddhist priests. In the case of K?fukuji, by 1734, all of the chief priests were Japanese [22], by 1745 Fukusaiji was administered by Japanese monks [23], and by 1750 S?fukuji was entirely Japanese-run. [24] In the case of Shofukuji, presumably there was a period when Chinese administration followed the same pattern and passed to the Japanese. Nonetheless, all four temples were powerful reminders of the Chinese cultural presence in Nagasaki for domestic travelers. Indeed, all three travel accounts surveyed in this paper make mention of these Chinese temples; and Hishiya Heshichi goes into the greatest detail.
Hishiya Heishichi’s Tsukushi Kik?
During his stay in Nagasaki from the second to the nineteenth of the fifth month in 1802, Hishiya Heishichi 
sought out opportunities to visit locations that were associated with the local Chinese community. The Chinese temples of S?fukuji, K?fukuji and Shofukuji are prominently featured in his travel account. Even though by 1802 the management of at least three of the main temples was no longer Chinese, Hishiya went to great pains to trace the Chinese origins of the three particular temples he visited.
His first visit to a temple was on the sixth day of the fifth month. Hishiya contended with inclement weather throughout most of his visit to Nagasaki because of the rainy season, but on this day when the rain abated he visited S?fukuji 
. Upon encountering his first "Chinese" temple, Hishiya identified the Chinese monk Sokuhi 即非 (COME BACK HERE) (Chinese: Ji Fei) as the founder. [25] Hishiya is moved to comment upon an original calligraphy piece inked by Sokuhi that he views while there. Hishiya mentions that during his voyage to Japan, Sokuhi was accompanied by Chinese carpenters entrusted with the construction of the temple. [26] Although the larger outer temple gate of S?fukuji had been lost to fire the previous year (1801), the main two-story gate was intact and upon passing through Hishiya felt he had "entered China."
On the eleventh, he visits K?fukuji, and it appeared that he had become more savvy about the history of the temples than in his visit nearly a week earlier. He recognized that this was a family temple for Chinese traders from the Nanjing area, in addition to being affiliated with the Kohaku sect. K?fukuji indeed had at one time served as the temple for Chinese expatriates from the Nanjing area. He described a high stone wall and from a nearby spot was afforded a beautiful view of the scenery in the spacious temple grounds. Not far from this location, along a hilly road, he discovered a cemetery where many Chinese graves were located. Although he was impressed by the Chinese ambiance of K?fukuji, Hishiya felt particularly moved by this sentiment in the Chinese graveyard. He commented, "It was specifically in the cemetery, that I felt the Chinese spirit of the place." 
[27]
Also on the eleventh Hishiya visited Shofukuji, the newest of the four major Chinese temples in Nagasaki. Enamored with its Chinese influence he writes,
"In the inner temple was a small shrine to Kantei 
where we entered and prayed. The spirit of such a foreign place which was conveyed in the Chinese atmosphere of the religious quarters we observed at the temple, gave me the distinct sensation I had gone to a foreign country." [28]
The next day Hishiya returned to Shofukuji, where quite fortuitously the Guandi festival (Japanese: Kantei Matsuri) 
happened to be taking place. The festival, commemorating the Chinese God of War, was an annual observance in Nagasaki. Hishiya observed an interesting throng of Chinese ship owners, boatmen, and close to 30 other people attending the festival. During his pilgrimage on the twelfth he took a brief respite in the chief priest’s quarters before returning for a second day of worship before the deity Kantei.
Aside from entering spaces designated as Chinese, one other significant way in which Japanese travelers attempted to satiate their appetite for things Chinese was through the dining experience. During a late evening meal held at a local tour guide’s (Yanagi’s) home on the eighth [29], Hishiya Heishichi is served a "moon cake" 
, which he describes as a T?gashi 
(Chinese confectionery). This is a treat integral to the Mid-Autumn or "moon" festival, the second most important Chinese holiday annually. There is no indication that Hishiya was aware of the significance of the delicacy, but in China, "moon cakes" (Chinese: yuebing) were synonymous with this festival held on the fifteenth of the eighth lunar calendar month. The snack replicates the shape of the moon on the occasion when it was believed to be fullest and most visible to the human eye. The meal concludes with a dish served in a Chinese porcelain tea bowl with a cover. Even before the meal, the appropriate atmosphere for the meal was established by the décor in Yanagi’s house. Items such as a Chinese lion constructed of porcelain tiles ( 
) made the occasion a noteworthy experience. Hishiya commented, "they brought out and showed me a variety of Chinese items, and I heard all kinds of interesting and mysterious things"（
) [30] The fact that such a Chinese dining experience was constructed for tourists, displays the stake that the local tourist industry had in promoting Chinese Nagasaki for economic benefit.
For Hishiya interest in Chinese Nagasaki far exceeds Dutch Dejima. There are occasional references to the Dutch presence, but these brief anecdotes are largely obscured by his interest in viewing things Chinese. His entry for the ninth is indicative of this practice. He inquires with the inn proprietor for information on the Dutch settlement (Oranda yashiki 
), which he learns is also called Dejima yashiki 
This segment on the Dutch is extremely brief and essentially reports that although a stone bridge connects Dejima to the city of Nagasaki, access into the compound is heavily restricted. Soon Hishiya returns to describing a Japanese tour guide who also happens to hold a position overseeing Chinese ships in Nagasaki, a location where lumber can be procured, and a spot known as Umesaki where Chinese ships were allowed to moor. [31] As is indicative of most of Hishiya’s account, more than half of the daily entry involves direct and indirect references to Chinese Nagasaki as opposed to a few lines reserved for the Dutch.
With the exclusion of days when Hishiya was kept indoors by inclement weather, such as on the seventeenth when a major typhoon passed through Nagasaki, mention of Chinese Nagasaki is a daily occurrence in Tsukushi kik?. By contrast the longest passage devoted to the Dutch during Hishiya’s time in Nagasaki is his entry for the ninth. The only time the Dutch are mentioned again at all is during his finally entry on the eighteenth. Here, he mentions in passing Dutch shipping at nearby Hirado, but even in the midst of this entry the Dutch influence is dwarfed by the discussion of T?sen 
(Chinese ships). After describing at the length the large-scale enterprise Chinese shipping was in Nagasaki, he writes "The Dutch had nothing comparable to this"（
) [32]
Based on Hishiya Heishichi’s description of his time in Nagasaki, he came away convinced that he had engaged in a cosmopolitan experience. Hishiya had longed for Chinese Nagasaki, and his hopes were not dashed upon actually encountering "China" firsthand. His descriptions, in addition to showing his fascination with the travel experience in Nagasaki, also attest to his curiosity for Chinese culture. Judged against the climate of kaikin travel restrictions, Hishiya Heishichi’s account displays how Chinese Nagasaki had tangible cultural power upon domestic travelers in the Tokugawa era.
Furukawa Kosh?ken’s Saiy? zakki
Furukawa Kosh?ken 
(1726-1807) combined a certain measure of mundanely recorded information with vignettes about exotic attractions in his travel account of Nagasaki. His experience in Nagasaki is documented in the work Saiy? zakki 西
(Jottings of Travels in the West). Born in Okada domain 
in the Ch?goku region (present-day Okayama prefecture), in the latter part of his life Furukawa would generate three major accounts based on his travels to Ky?sh?, T?hoku, and Musashi province respectively.[33] The travel to Nagasaki, the earliest of his journeys that would be featured in a published account, took place in 1783.
Furukawa Kosh?ken appears at times to methodically record facts about Nagasaki, in a style somewhat at variance with Hishiya Heishichi’s account. The regimented, business-like way in which Furukawa notes the major Chinese temples is an illustrative example,
Fukusaiji is the temple for Chaozhou residents and the temple founder is the monk Mu An, Sofukuji is the temple for Fuzhou residents and the temple founder is the monk Lan Tiao , Kofukuji is the temple for Nanjing residents and the temple founder is Yin Wen. [34]
However, Furukawa goes into greater detail as he describes his experiences visiting an unnamed Chinese temple with a tour guide. He observed,
Upon entering the outer temple gate, we went to see the Chinese temples, and somehow were overcome by the Chinese style and refinement, a frequent occurrence when observing attractions in Nagasaki. [35]
And later in the same passage, "Everything about the readings of the sutra conveyed an interesting sense of Chineseness (
)." [36]
Although Furukawa does not specify the Chinese temple, an art work from roughly the same time period illustrates how Chinese cultural representations were prominently manifest in these Nagasaki landmarks. A Nagasaki woodblock (長崎
) print entitled "Nagasaki T?ji T?jin sankei no zu
"(ca. 1849) reinforces the view that Nagasaki was a city where Japanese could interact with Chinese at a Chinese temple and experience things Chinese. [37] In this particular print of S?fukuji, an elaborate gate stands in the foreground and is flanked by two doors that feature plaques above. The left side features the characters ruyi
(Japanese: nyoi) "wishes granted", while the right door has the characters jixiang
(Japanese: kissh?) "auspicious" above the door. In addition to these two doors, two symmetrically placed ornate Chinese dragons greet pilgrims upon entry to the compound. The main gate is a two-story structure with four immense metal bells dangling underneath the eaves of the top roof, the corners of which are curved upward in the Chinese style. A set of four stone stairs ascend to a more modest gate called the "Chinese gate 
", beyond which are other complexes on the temple grounds. One houses the deity Guandi 
(Chinese God of War), yet still another the temple bell. Although the stairs rise further, clouds obscure whatever lies beyond. In the upper left recesses of the compound an area is labeled as the T?jin haka
"Chinese cemetery" with three plots clearly visible. The scale of the temple complex as conveyed in this woodblock print indicates something of the spatial significance of these Chinese institutions on the cityscape in Nagasaki.
While describing a Chinese gentleman in a residential compound near Jy?zenji 
, Furukawa is moved to comment that the man’s appearance is so refined compared to anyone found in Japan. [38] In Furukawa Kosh?ken’s observation, the Chinese cultural representative of a superior civilization stands in stark contrast to Furukawa’s own culture. He is equally amused by the experience of seeing, and hearing, a sizeable throng of Chinese who stroll through the streets as twelve Chinese ships have docked in Nagasaki harbor. Furukawa cannot avoid commenting on the "funny unintelligible gibberish" (
) that these Chinese speak.[39]
At the end of one passage describing Chinese residents in Nagasaki, Furukawa cautions that he "could write much more but here a brief summary will have to suffice." [40] For a visual representation of the Chinese residential compound and its second story buildings where aspects of Chinese daily life become manifest to Japanese pedestrians, he advises the interested examine a woodblock print decorated with a scene of the city. Presumably these items were quite popular in Tokugawa Japan and helped marketing the association between Nagasaki and things exotic. "A Nagasaki picture 
", perhaps like the woodblock print mentioned above, is where such "atmosphere is best depicted."[41]
While his curiosity in the Chinese is evident in his writing, his experiences with the Dutch provoked strong disdain. One incident imparted a particularly negative impression of Nagasaki. Furukawa writes of a Maruyama district prostitute who was unceremoniously thrown out into the street completely bereft of clothes by Dutch customers. After describing this episode, he concludes his observations of Nagasaki by condemning the place. He writes, "From what I saw of the customs of Nagasaki, it is a place lacking humanity." （
） [42] Given his expressed interest in the Chinese temples he visited, the elegant Chinese gentleman he observed, and the Chinese language he heard, it is reasonable to assume that this despicable act committed by the Dutch tainted his view of Nagasaki. To be certain nowhere else in Furukawa’s description of Nagasaki does he issue negative comments with regard to the Chinese.
In an interesting way Furukawa Kosh?ken recognizes that China is physically and conceptually closer to Nagasaki than other Japanese cities, and that this international interaction in many ways rivals some of the same communications that existed between locales in Tokugawa Japan. Furukawa reiterates an interesting observation overheard. He states,
According to what Nagasaki locals say, a long time ago Chinese people decided to come to Japan to live. Chinese people came from Nanjing and Fuzhou to live in Nagasaki. The subsequent communication between family relations can be seen as rivaling even those with Kansai and Kanto, making it seem that Nanjing and Fuzhou are closer. [43]
Ultimately Furukawa Kosh?ken acknowledged that below the veneer of restrictions on international travel and trade, a vibrant network of commerce and communication existed between Nagasaki and China. This image of China is what Furukawa finds most fascinating about Nagasaki and what ultimately compelled him to record his account for others. The experience of interacting with a superior civilization, represented by the Chinese gentleman he encounters during his stroll through the streets of Nagasaki, is a breathtaking one for Furukawa. And just as in the case of Hishiya Heishichi, his travel account of Nagasaki in Saiy? zakki emphasized his fascination with encountering Chinese people and culture via firsthand observation.Tachibana Nankei’s Saiy?ki
In the summer of 1782, Tachibana Nankei 
, a 30-year old medical student-in-training, left Kyoto on a journey that took him along the Sany? coast, and across both Ky?sh? and Shikoku, before circling back to Kyoto. Tachibana Nankei (1753-1805), traveled extensively throughout Japan during his lifetime and his year long trip west—he returned the following summer—would be just one of a handful of journeys that was turned into a published account.
Tachibana’s account was later published in a serialized format in 1795 as Saiy?ki 
(Record of Travels in the West). The book is not structured chronologically or geographically, but rather thematically, most likely for commercial appeal. For this reason, passages on Nagasaki appear thirteen times in subchapters in eight of the ten main chapters in the book. Curiously, in chapter six where a subchapter (39) labeled Nagasaki is missing, Tachibana or the editor chose to use the geographical listing "China" (
). This practice is repeated again with a subchapter (62) in chapter eight.
Subchapter 62 is interesting because it displays how the distinction between China and Chinese Nagasaki can be blurred. This particular subchapter involves a narrative description of T?kish? 
(Chinese: Dong Qichang), who came to Nagasaki and took up residence in the Chinese merchant community. [44] Dong Qichang was renowned for his masterful calligraphy. Tachibana wrote that then current Chinese emperor Qianlong (r. 1 
736-1795) held Dong Qichang’s artwork in the highest regard, and that subsequently his calligraphy became quite valuable.
Tachibana’s published account emphasizes the foreign in addition to the various provinces he visits in Ky?sh?, Shikoku, and Sany?. Just as China is represented in two of the subchapters, one subchapter, is devoted to the subject of Holland. Here the Dutch appear as more of a curiosity than a culture to be revered. Tachibana expresses interest in the dietary habits of the Dutch sea captains, the distance they have traveled to reach Japan, and the inventory of what the ships transport. What is missing is interest in the Dutch for cultural reasons. The mutual cultural traditions of Buddhism that make Chinese temples in Nagasaki places of interest for Hishiya and Furukawa, the elegance of Chinese style embodied in the gentleman Furukawa encounters on the city streets, the aesthetic appreciation for things Chinese, all this has no equivalent in Tachibana’s depictions of the Dutch. His own focus on the superior calligraphic skills of Dong Qichang illustrates this keenly felt cultural connection with China as well. Tachibana in the midst of describing the Dutch even opines,
"As for specifically seeing foreigners intermingle with Japanese, when it comes to the Chinese, their clothes and words seem to be the only discernable difference. Given this already existing sentiment and tendency among the Japanese, adopting these things would not be even a small concern. Our country should not try to distinguish between Chinese and Japanese differences, if we were to adopt Chinese clothes and words." [45]
When the writing in Saiy?ki regarding China is contrasted against the Dutch, the interest in China is greater than is commonly reflected in most modern scholarship. The interest in calligraphy between China and Japan, as is evidenced in the career of Dong Qichang, suggests a cultural affinity that was profoundly felt and to which Western powers like Holland were essentially excluded in the Tokugawa era. Moreover, the significance of Nagasaki as a place where Chinese culture was an accessible commodity cannot be ignored. Dong Qichang’s residency in Nagasaki, suggests that Japanese interested in the highest quality of artistic endeavor need not even leave Japan’s shores, because Chinese Nagasaki was a legitimate substitute.
Chinese Nagasaki in Period Travel Guides
In this paper I highlight two Tokugawa period travel guides that illustrated Chinese cultural life in Nagasaki. The first, Nagasaki meisho zue
, was the inspiration of Nagasaki bugy? 
, and was probably composed sometime between the Bunka 
– early Bunsei periods (1804-1830). [46] This particular work features plentiful illustrations of Chinese life in Nagasaki. S?fukuji is illustrated,[47] as is Fukusaiji, but in less detail than the illustration mentioned above. Noticeably missing are written designations for the Chinese graveyard and the Chinese gate inside the temple compound. Generally the accompanying descriptions are less detailed, however the layout of the buildings is exactly the same as in the Nagasaki woodblock (
) print "Nagasaki T?ji T?jin sankei no zu 
". None of the people in this particular illustration appear to be Chinese either, but elsewhere illustrations show Chinese crowds mingling with the Japanese. In one lively scene, a Chinese opera is depicted with both Chinese and Japanese spectators in attendance. [48] On the next page, Japanese courtesans entertain Chinese clients on the second story veranda of a building. [49] A group composed of three Japanese women and two Chinese men is seated on the floor dining. Nearby a Chinese man sits at a table playing a Chinese-style koto,a guzheng
(Chinese zither); an instrument which served as the predecessor to the koto
. Seated immediately across from him a Japanese woman accompanies him on the shamisen. Another illustration features a bustling banquet scene with Chinese men and Japanese courtesans. [50] The style of spoons used as well as the elongated chopsticks, appear to indicate a Chinese meal. Visible out the window are Chinese ships in the harbor. Interest in Chinese Nagasaki, based on the illustrations in the guide seems obvious, with more than one-fifth of the 94 total illustrations in Nagasaki meisho zue in some way reflecting aspects of Chinese life in Nagasaki, versus only two illustrations of Dutch ships.
The second work, Nagasaki miyage
, literally a "Nagasaki souvenir", was written by an unknown author in Enp? 9 (1781). [51] Nagasaki miyage, a five-volume set, is even more devoted to depicting Chinese in Nagasaki, but the illustrations often feature a hybrid imagining of Chinese men in Tokugawa-period Nagasaki. Of the 12 total images, 10 are devoted to the subject of Chinese in Nagasaki, while the Dutch influence, save the clothing worn by the Chinese, is absent. The way in which the men are represented combines elements of countries Japan would have been in contact with at the time or previously. While the facial hair that always accompanies these men is Chinese in style, invariably a Vandyke beard on the chin and a mustache that juts out starting at the corners of the upper lip, the wide-brimmed hats, high collars on the wardrobes, and flowing pantaloons, are more indicative of Portuguese or Dutch visitors to Nagasaki. Not all Chinese men are clothed in this style, but easily half are. What is emphasized is the foreignness and exotic in Nagasaki, something that dominates the subject matter of the work.
The themes depicted in Nagasaki miyage are typically Chinese men engaged in conversation or a meal with Japanese women, Chinese ships in the harbor, or Chinese and Japanese enjoying a pleasurable cruise. In volume two, for example, a Chinese man in striped pantaloons is seated on a tatami-floor with his back to a tokonoma (Japanese alcove) with an ornately shaped window. [52] He holds a cup of wine in his right hand while facing a performance. The performance features a Japanese woman in a long flowing kimono who employs a fan as a theatrical prop, while two seated women supply musical accompaniment, one on shamisen the other playing the koto. Another Chinese man is seated between two Japanese men, one of whom appears to be clapping or moving his hands in rhythm with the dance. This second Chinese gentleman holds a right hand to his forehead, perhaps to wipe his brow or feeling overcome after imbibing too much.
An illustration of two boats surveying Nagasaki Harbor is even more elaborate. Two Japanese boats drift on the water, with undulating mountains and conifers occasionally placed on the horizon. [53] Although it may be strictly the convention of the illustrator, Chinese men and Japanese women and men are seen engaged in conversation with each other, a form of communication to which Hishiya Heishichi, Furukawa Kosh?ken, and Tachibana Nankei, do not appear to be privy. Presumably long-term residents, both Chinese and Japanese, would have had opportunity to become conversant in Chinese and Japanese respectively. On the upper deck of the lead boat, two Chinese men sit, one of whom plays a flute, while seated directly across a Japanese woman plays the shamisen. On both boats, some members of this outing are engaged in the consumption of wine and food served in lacquerware. What is most significant about these illustrations is that they celebrate face-to-face interactions between Japanese and Chinese residents of Nagasaki. Showing Japanese and Chinese intermingling in Nagasaki aids in sustaining the impression that Nagasaki is an exotic, international community.
The depictions included in Nagasaki meisho zue and Nagasaki miyage communicate how these cross-cultural interactions played out in the physical space of Nagasaki and how these experiences were remembered and commemorated for others. Although the wall, moat, and gate complete with guards demarcated the T?jin yashiki, it does not appear that Chinese residents were completely prohibited from interacting with the native population. The various illustrations that reference Japanese courtesans and Chinese men as their subject matter imply a substantial clientele for this local trade. Chinese ships reflect a characteristic of the Tokugawa port that symbolically signals Nagasaki’s distinctly international flavor. Memorialization of the travel experience to Nagasaki in the form of both travel diaries and travel guides, generated much of Chinese Nagasaki’s reputation in the Tokugawa period.
Chinese Nagasaki as a Geographic and Cultural Periphery
The city of Nagasaki, and more specifically Chinese Nagasaki, occupied an important space on the geographic and cultural periphery of the Tokugawa polity. Japanese used this space to define themselves, just as much as they did representatives from non-Japanese cultures. In this sense, Chinese Nagasaki performed a similar function to other cross-cultural locations for interaction in the period. David Howell, for example, argues that Japanese interactions with the Ainu, were ritualized encounters that Tokugawa representatives, in most cases the Matsumae domain, used to define their cultural supremacy over the Ainu. Howell emphatically maintains that the notion of Japanese homogeneity is not a longstanding tradition, but rather a Tokugawa and Meiji period construct. [54] The cultural terrain where Tokugawa Japan and Ainu culture intersected was murky territory neither fully integrated into Tokugawa society nor entirely independent of its influence. Over time, many of the Ainu rituals became mandated spectacles to preserve the façade of Tokugawa Japanese cultural superiority, so much so that traditional Ainu clothing were typically worn by Ainu only when performing ceremonies with the Matsumae.
Likewise Ronald Toby’s descriptions of Chinese and Korean embassies to the Edo court, and the excitement they generated in Tokugawa society, display the keen interest Japanese had in neighboring cultures. [55] The ballyhoo of one such Korean embassy lived on in annual celebrations in Edo neighborhoods, where residents would masquerade as Korean ministers visiting the Tokugawa capital. Not only this, but as witnessed above in the depictions of Chinese Nagasaki, woodblock prints of these foreign embassies were tremendously popular. In very similar ways, whether masquerading as a Korean dignitary or celebrating the cross-cultural experience through woodblock print, traveling to Chinese Nagasaki served as the logical substitute for going abroad. However, unlike the case of Matsumae-Ainu interactions, the Sino-Japanese relationships in Nagasaki do not appear to be heavily dominated by notions of Japanese cultural superiority during the period examined. This contrasts strongly with the idea that by the end of the nineteenth century, particularly culminating around the time of the Sino-Japanese War, views of Chinese cultural supremacy had largely been dismissed. [56] This change was evident in Chinese communities, which by the 1850s and 1860s had spread to cities outside of Nagasaki. [57] In addition to Nagasaki, Kobe, Yokohama, and Hakodate served as the setting for growing tension in Chinese-Japanese relations during the Tokugawa-Meiji transition. Adulation towards Chinese residents was replaced by derisive monikers such as "chan-chan sensei 
(Mr. Pigtail)" in the Japanese press and notable clashes between Chinese and local police forces. [58] Tempestuous relations between Japanese and Chinese are strikingly absent from mention in the accounts of Hishiya Heishichi, Furukawa Kosh?ken, and Tachibana Nankei.
Furukawa Kosh?ken, for example, is enamored by the refinement of a Chinese he glimpsed during a stroll through the streets of Nagasaki, and commented that the gentleman’s elegance was unrivaled by anyone else encountered in Japan. Hishiya Heishichi likewise is moved by his own encounters with Chinese culture. Viewing Nagasaki Bay by boat Hishiya commented that, "The scenery in Nagasaki Harbor was like a Chinese landscape painting", and upon entering the main gate of the Chinese temple S?fukuji, he relates that he felt he had "entered China." Tachibana Nankei’s account suggests that the line between Nagasaki and China was blurred in the popular imagination. The demand for Chinese immigrant Dong Qichang’s calligraphy generated a stir that reflected the deep cultural affinity between China and Japan. In all three travel accounts it appears that Tokugawa Japan is still very much in awe of Chinese civilization, and that this predominating influence persists in the midst of the kaikin edicts. Just as David L. Howell and Ronald Toby suggest cross-cultural relations during the Tokugawa era need to be reassessed, the travel accounts of Hishiya Heishichi, Furukawa Kosh?ken, and Tachibana Nankei also suggest Sino-Japanese relations, and Japanese perceptions of the foreign, were fundamentally shaped by the environment of Chinese Nagasaki.
A Continent Transported
Marcia Yonemoto in her book Mapping Early Modern Japan, analyzes how Tokugawa Japanese defined and understood space through geography, travel, and literature. A particularly insightful episode is her treatment of Hiraga Gennai, who wrote the Gulliver-esque satirical work, F?ry? Shid?ken Den (The Tale of Dashing Shid?ken). Gennai himself had spent a year in Nagasaki absorbing Western science and oil painting techniques. [59] The protagonist in the story, Shid?ken, embarks on a seemingly never-ending journey that takes him to Edo, Sakai, Kyoto, Nagasaki, Ezo, the Land of Giants, the Land of Chest Holes, and the Land of Quack Doctors, among many others. Finally arriving in Qing China, Shid?ken is summoned before emperor Qianlong for engaging in voyeuristic viewing of imperial court ladies. Regaling the emperor with travel anecdotes, Shid?ken manages to obscure the transgression he committed in the capital. It is particularly the depiction of Mount Fuji, supposedly rivaling China’s own five sacred mountains, that really captures emperor Qianlong’s attention. Shidoken convinces the emperor that if granted release, he will go back to Japan and after properly calculating Mount Fuji’s dimensions, construct a papier-mâché model. 300,000-manned ships complete with enough paper and paste for the project are assembled, but the elaborate design falls victim to a typhoon, which the gods of Mount Fuji have dispatched to prevent Fuji’s likeness from being duplicated. In many ways, this quixotic tale encapsulates the relevance of cross-cultural contact between China and Japan in the Tokugawa period. The interest in the experience and in potentially knowing the foreign, the exotic, and the Chinese, often loomed larger than the reality, but this is precisely what is most telling. The captive power of Chinese Nagasaki, in which image and reality were inextricably bound, was a significant cultural force. As Shid?ken’s tale of Mount Fuji suggests, as do the accounts of Hishiya, Furukawa, and Tachibana, the desire to know what can never completely be known is what made the journey itself so much more important than the destination.
Perhaps as some scholars [60] argue Nagasaki was a narrow portal on the outside world in the Tokugawa era, but in the travel accounts examined above, this portal was more like a permanently ajar sluice through which religion, philosophy, and the arts continued to gush unabated from China. The impact this cultural transmission created resonated throughout Japan and made Nagasaki a conspicuous destination for any Japanese with an interest in Chinese culture. While Chinese Nagasaki was but a microcosm of China proper, one cannot ignore the larger significance of Chinese residents in the city throughout kaikin restrictions on travel abroad, and the compelling desire of Tokugawa-period Japanese like Hishiya Heishichi, Furukawa Kosh?ken, and Tachibana Nankei, to experience China through the medium of travel to this renowned port.
For Hishiya Heishichi, Chinese Nagasaki was an indomitable image that had captivated him for years. When the journey finally came to fruition, Hishiya Heishichi frequently likened his experiences in Nagasaki to visiting China itself. Furukawa Kosh?ken discovered in Chinese Nagasaki a level of refinement that rivaled anything previously encountered in Japan. Likewise, Tachibana Nankei took a year-long hiatus from his medical training in order to see cosmopolitan Nagasaki. All three travel accounts examined here suggest that Chinese Nagasaki had a unique cultural power all its own, and that this power still attracted Japanese travelers in a period of shogunate-imposed restrictions on travel abroad.Bibliography
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Notes
[1] "Tsukushi kik?"
(A Ky?sh? Travel Journal), Nihon shomin seikatsu shiry? sh?sei 
, vol. 20. T?ky?: San’ichi shob?
, 1968-1972. p. 210.
[2] Ibid, p. 158.
[3] These are the dates during which the Tokugawa Shogunate enforced the kaikin 
restrictions against travel abroad.
[4] Jansen, Marius B. China in the Tokugawa World. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992, p. 4.
[5] See Nakai, Kate Wildman. "Chinese Ritual and Native Japanese Identity in Tokugawa Confucianism", passim. In Elman, Benjamin A., Duncan, John B. and Herman Ooms, eds. Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002.
[6] Jansen, Marius B. p. 60. Approximately 130 Chinese painters came to Nagasaki from 1620-1853.
[7] Kumamoto and Kii are particularly telling examples of the revamping of legal systems based on Ming laws.
[8] Jansen, Marius B., p. 76.
[9] Goodman, Grant K. Japan and the Dutch, 1600-1853. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2000.
[10] Fogel, Joshua A. The Literature of Travel in the Japanese Rediscovery of China, 1862-1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996, p. 35.
[11] ?ba Osamu 
. Hy?chakusen monogatari: Edo jidai no Nitch? k?ry? 
. T?ky?: Iwanami Shoten 
, 2001, pp. 126-127.
[12] Grant, Goodman K., p. 20.
[13] See Toby, Ronald P. State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan: Asia in the Development of the Tokugawa Bakufu. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Also, Jansen, Marius B. China in the Tokugawa World. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992. And also, ?ba Osamu 
.Hy?chakusen monogatari: Edo jidai no Nitch?k?ry?.
. T?ky?: Iwanami shoten 
, 2001.
[14] Chang, Aloysius. The Chinese Community of Nagasaki in the First Century of the Tokugawa Period (1603-1688). Ph.D. diss. St. John’s University, pp. 142-147.
[15] Jansen, Marius B., p. 30.
[16] Ibid., p. 10.
[17] Chang, Aloysius, p. 103.
[18] Bukky? daijiten 
, vol. 5, T?ky?: ?kura Shoten 
, 1960, p. 4394.
[19] Bukky? daijiten , vol. 4., T?ky?: ?kura Shoten , 1960, p. 3107.
[20] Pieke, Frank N., Nyíri, Pál, Thunø, Mette, and Antonella Ceccagno. Transnational Chinese: Fujianese Migrants in Europe. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 39-40.
[21] Chang, Aloysius, p. 133.
[22] Ibid, p. 119.
[23] Ibid, p. 125.
[24] Ibid, pp. 129-130.
[25] Hishiya Heishichi, p. 207.
[26] Ibid, p. 207.
[27] Ibid, p. 211.
[28] Ibid, p. 212.
[29] Hishiya indicates that it occurred around the hour of the wild boar 
or roughly 9-11p.m.
[30] Ibid, p. 209.
[31] Ibid, p. 209.
[32] Ibid, p. 214.
[33]"Saiy? zakki" 
Nihon shomin seikatsu shiry? sh?sei 
, vol. 20. T?ky?: San’ichi shob? 
, 1968-1972, p. 329.
[34] Ibid, p. 381.
[35] Ibid, p. 381.
[36] Ibid, p. 381.
[37] Akai Tatsur? 
, et al, eds. "Nagasaki-Yokohama"
, Edo jidai zushi 
, vol. 25. T?ky?: Chikuma shob? 
, 1976, p. 50, fig. 101.
[38] Ibid, p. 381.
[39] Ibid, p. 381.
[40] Ibid, p. 381.
[41] Ibid, p. 381.
[42] Ibid, p. 383.
[43] Ibid, p. 382.
[44] Ibid, p. 336.
[45] Ibid, p. 356.
[46] Kokushi daijiten 
, vol. 10, T?ky?: Yoshikawa k?bunkan 
, 1989, p. 583.
[47] Nagasaki meisho zue
. Nagasaki: Nagasaki Shidankai: hastubaijo Fujiki Hakueisha 
, 1931, pp. 122-123.
[48] Ibid, pp. 222-223.
[49] Ibid, p. 224.
[50] Ibid, pp. 226-227.
[51] Kokushi daijiten 
, vol. 10, T?ky?: Yoshikawa k?bunkan 
, 1989, p. 583.
[52] Nagasaki miyage 
. T?ky?: Yoneyamad? 
, 1923-1924, vol. 2, p. 5.
[53] Ibid, vol. 4, p. 3.
[54] Howell, David L. "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State." Past and Present, 142, (February 1994), pp. 66-93.
[55] Toby, Ronald P. "Carnival of Aliens: Korean Embassies in Edo-Period Art and Popular Culture." Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 41, no. 4 (Winter 1986), pp. 415-455.
[56] See Harootunian, Harry D. "The Functions of China in Tokugawa Thought" in Iriye, Akira, ed. The Chinese and the Japanese: Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980. Also see Keene, Donald. "The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan" in Shively, Donald H., ed. Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971.
[57] Kamachi, Noriko. "The Chinese in Meiji Japan: Their Interaction with the Japanese before the Sino-Japanese War" in Iriye Akira ed., The Chinese and the Japanese: Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980, pp. 58-73.
[58] Ibid, pp. 58-73.
[59] Yonemoto, Marcia. Mapping Early Modern Japan: Space, Place, and Culture in the Tokugawa Period (1603-1868). Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, p.110.
[60] Plutschow, Herbert E. Historical Nagasaki: With Illustrations and Guide Maps. T?ky?: The Japan Times, Ltd., 1983.